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Looking at the Opusculum from a literary studies perspective (form, stylizing, stereotyped attitudes, intention, reader’s point of view) one arrives at the following results: The descriptio historiae consists of a continuous description of the internal, spiritual, and intellectual struggle of the autobiographical ego. Individual experiences of his life are only reported in so far as they are important for the progression of conversion. „Historical Persons“ mentioned in the text do not have their own personality: Jews are stylized as adversaries of the conversion (according to the stereotyped attitudes stemming from the theological tradition). Christians, however, are made into role models. The identity of the autobiographical writer is the identity of an ordained Christian priest. His former Jewish identity is portrayed as „non-identity“. The intention of the work is not to be, as it was assumed in the past, a defence against the reproach that the conversion took place for opportunistic reasons. Nor is it an attempt to respond with anti-Semitic comments to latent hostile feelings against the former Jew. On the contrary, the intention is to show Christian readers an example of how to part Jews from their „hardening“ and win them for Christianity by gentleness and charity. The work attempts, as the second Crusade quickly approaches (among other things) to support efforts that defend Jews from encroachments.
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This study presents an until now unknown original text of the first review of the Premonstratensian statutes from the year 1154/55 following the Munich manuscript Clm 1031 originating from the abbey of Windberg. The oldest statutes of the order, edited by R. Van Waefelghem, have been ratified in 1130 during the first general chapter and were confirmed by Pope Innocent II on petition of the founder himself, Norbert of Xanten. A decree of the general chapter from about 1140, concerning the whole order and regulating the dissolution of the double monasteries, has never existed. The famous decree, which prohibeted the further admission of women into the double monasteries, cannot have been issued by the general chapter before 1155. Probably it did not exist until the occidental schism (1159-1177). 22 decrees from 1140 to 1153 as well as the special statutes for the converses from 1154 are published about the above mentioned Munich manuscript.
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The first chapter of this study is devoted chiefly to examining the relationship among the oldest monastic rules of Citeaux, Kloosterrade, Oigny and Prémontré, the examination showing that, for the chapters of those rules that are similar, there is line of dependence running from Citeaux to Prémontré to Oigny and from Kloosterrade to Prémontré to Oigny. This insight has also led to the conclusion that the oldest version of the Premonstratensian Rule is not the PW text and that a Px version must have existed of which the PW text is a later variant. Oigny did not copy the PW version, but rather a Px’ version, which is a hypothetical variant of Px. The second chapter goes into more detail about the reasons why, in the Premonstratensian Rule, the superior was called abbas (abbot) and the second in authority prepositus (provost). This is interpreted as a compromise between the German tradition, in which the superior was known as prepositus, and the French tradition, in which he was known as abbas. In the third chapter, lastly, an examination is made of the relationship among the rules of Prémontré, Citeaux and Arrouaise for lay brothers, and shows that the Rule of Prémontré was the oldest, a conclusion that is diametrically opposed to the recent position taken by C. Waddell that the Lay-brother Rule of Citeaux had already been drawn up around 1120 and was thus older than that of Prémontré. The examination also shows that, in its first edition, the Rule of Arrouaise adopted elements of the Premonstratensian Rule and was subsequently supplemented with elements from the oldest Lay-brother Rule of Citeaux and the later Rule of Prémontré.
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In his letters to students, Philip of Harvengt († 1183) engages himself in a dialogue with the environment of the schools of his time. This is obvious since the exchange of letters was not an entirely private affair as it is nowadays. Letters were shared with one's companions and read by them. When Philip therefore wrote a letter to a student, he addressed in fact a broader public. The letters addressed to students appear to belong to two different literary types. His earliest letters, Ad Wedericum and ad Hervardum are in fact treatises concerning a debated question with some spiritual advise in the margin. Later written letters only contain spiritual advise. But all Philip's letters show a keen awareness of the fact that a sound exegesis starts from a litteral understanding of the material text of Sacred Scripture, even though he depicts its study as preparing for an experienced meeting with the One who inspired it. This fundamental conviction concerning study of Scripture probably points towards influence from the Parisian school of the canons regular of Saint Victor. In his letter Ad Wedericum Hugh of Saint Victor is explicitly quoted while Philip develops his argument in favour of a literal explication of the six days during which creation took place according to the book Genesis. "The school should be called another monastery", for, in spite of the different environment, assiduous study of Scripture is performed in both places. Bible study probably took on a different character in monasteries of regular canons, such as Saint Victor in Paris and Bonne-Espérance, than the monastic lectio divina.
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